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CONSERVATIVE ASCENDANCY (1885-1905)

 

After a poor performance for much of the 19th century, when the Liberals had been the natural party of government, there was a revival under Salisbury. Between 1830 and 1885, they only won 2 General Elections: 1841 and 1874.

 

There is some irony in the fact that the Conservative party appears to have adapted more effectively than the Liberals to the post 1884 era of MASS POLITICS  (bought on with the 1884 reform act). This is ironic as the Conservatives have always been a party of reaction rather than reform.

 

An example of this is in 1867, which was a result of political calculation rather than a commitment to democracy, as was Catholic Emancipation in 1832.

 

Salisbury was a very traditional Conservative: he was opposed to democracy. He resigned over 1867  he regarded it as a betrayal. Salisbury had been described as an “ideological backwoodsman”

 

It is also ironic that Salisbury is dominant in the Conservative party: he is reclusive and despises his party: it is only because of his Chief Whip, Aretas Akers-Douglas, that he managed it. Democracy is his fatalism: he accepts it because it allows him to operate in the age of mass politics.

 

Why the Conservatives are dominant:

 

Traditional interpretation: Salisbury inherited a coherent plan to create Tory Democracy from Disraeli which can be traced back to Young England in the 1840s and was realised through 1867 reform and social reforms of 1874-70.

 

But there are serious problems with this:

 

  • Disraeli had no coherent plan (his motive for reform was to weight the system)
  • The details of the reform were left to Cross.
  • Disraeli’s interests were largely elsewhere e.g.: defense of the empire  home reform bored him (he fell asleep in cabinet meetings where it was debated)

 

  • There were some in the Conservative party with more genuine ‘democratic’ interests, especially Churchill.

 

    Churchill argued that social reform agenda was required (e.g.: public health and housing): the party needed to adapt practically, not just rhetorically  rhetoric about imperialism was not enough: you need to physically offer the working classes more: rhetoric to make them feel better doesn’t work.

     

    As far as social reform goes, there is some, but it is minimal:

    • MINES REGULATION ACT (1887)  builds on existing legislation
    • LABOUR ALLOTMENT ACT (1891)
    • TITHE ACT (1890)  Makes tithes payable by the owner
    • FACTORY ACT (1891)

 

People are voting Conservative because they want a break from reform, so perhaps this shows Salisbury knows his electorate: if he reforms, they may not continue to vote for him.

 

The major reform that happened was

 

                LOCAL GOVERNMENT ACT (1888)  this isn’t radical, and was long overdue.

                 

    LGA sets up 62 elected county councils. The Municipal Corporations Act (1835) only dealt with the boroughs: in the Counties, where was chaos: separate boards for different services, so a great deal of fragmentation. LGA provided a householder franchise, and women could vote, but they couldn’t sit in the councils.

     

    The reforms were not especially directed at the working class, but their presentation is linked to the working class.

     

    Prior to this, the Irish issue had secured the co-operation between the Liberal Unionists and Conservatives  as Gladstone isn’t there any more.

     

    In absence of social policy directed at the working class, how do the Conservatives seek the working class vote?

     

    1)PRESENTATION -

     

      propaganda links Salisbury to the working class  this is possibly due to funding put in by the landowners in the Liberal unionists

       

       

       

    2)WORKING MEN’S CLUBS  These were formed @ grass roots

     

    3)THE PRIMROSE LEAGUE

 

     

      The Primrose League was founded by Churchill in 1883 with the purpose of promoting Conservative ideas. It was so-called as the Primrose was Disraeli’s favorite flower (this is proof that the Conservatives relied heavily on Disraeli’s ideology). The organization runs continuously, not just at election time.

       

      Primrose League is the key political institution at the time. It spreads ideas through social activities  it is a hierarchical, cross-class organization  hence, it promotes society as a natural hierarchy.

       

      Membership:

       

          1886237,000

          18911,000,000

          19202,000,000 (this is more than the TU’s)

     

      (These figures are not reliable as they didn’t deduct losses).

       

      Primrose League is an agency of POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION, & included women in the political process.

       

    4)ISSUES WHICH APPEAL

     

      IMPERIALISM

      IRELAND (as these both split the Liberals)

       

      National issues were on the agenda as they allowed you to solve problems without sacrificing a class vote (as Gladstone had done in many of his reforms).

       

      Imperialism is useful  it doesn’t create a class divide, but it divides the Liberal party between Liberal imperialists and Gladstonian Traditionalists.

       

      E.g.: at the ‘Khaki’ election in 1900, the Conservatives called an election two years early, which they win due to the jingoism surrounding the Boer War.

       

      As an issue, Ireland has a similar effect.

       

      The political agenda is important as it secures political futures: issues can ‘make or break’ parties  in 1906, the Liberals get in due to the Conservatives advocating tariff reform (see Conservative ascendancy sheet).

       

    5)ELECTORAL SYSTEM

     

      The electoral system is weighted in favour of the Conservatives  thus a distortion of the political system makes their working class votes count for more. However, the ascendancy is deceptive: in the 1900 election:

       

      Conservative 51% of votes402 seats

      Liberal 47% of votes184 seats

       

      This had been affected by the 1885 re-distribution, which had been negotiated by Salisbury, which:

       

        • Created one-member borough constituencies
        • This magnified the effect of Villa Toryism, which was coupled with the fact that the middle class was moving from the Liberals towards the Conservatives.

        • Created a 12 month residence for lodger franchise
        • Thus likely Liberal voters are disenfranchised  probably about 1,000,000 of them.

        • Dual voting
        • People who owned two properties got two votes: this accounted for c. 7% of the electorate, and they tended to be Conservative.

           

    6)THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY IS CHANGING

         

        Although Salisbury is its leader (he is aristocratic), it is no longer seen as exclusively upper class, and this changing image appeals to the middle classes.

         

    7)THE FLIP SIDE: THE WEAKNESS OF THE LIBERALS

     

        • The 1886 split is made permanent by Gladstone’s continuing commitment to Home Rule  he has passed his “sell by” date.

         

        • There is a flood of wealth out of the Liberal party: thus the Liberals can’t afford to field as many candidates, so many Conservatives are elected unchallenged.

 

        • Radicals (except Chaimberlain) drift back to the Liberals this shapes the Liberal party, as shown by the 1891 Newcastle Programme. The party seems to be getting more radical, and this discourages voters.

 

        • Leadership crisis after Gladstone left  - Roseberry v Harcourt. Thus, the party isn’t stable until 1898 : Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman takes over.

 

        • Identity Crisis  are they single-issue (e.g.: Roseberry wants house of Lords reform)  there is no clease leadership line

 

    Cf. McCord pp384-399.

 

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