·GLADSTONE

1868-74 Gladstone’s first ministry

Gladstone was the giant of 19^th Century politics. His career spans 2/3 of a century. He comes into Parliament in 1832 as a young, protectionist Tory, and becomes a junior minister in 1834.

1841-46Works in the colonial office, and then is President of the Board of Trade  dealing with the administration and implementation of Peel’s economic policy.

Even in his period of retirement (75-80), he ran the Midlothian campaign against Disraeli’s foreign policy  known as Beaconsfieldism.

Gladstone’s career s also marked by dramatic political conversions: he is converted from High Anglican Tory Protectionism to become a popular Liberal politician.

Changes of party affiliation are not unusual, but the transformation of political views were torturous for Gladstone.

Formative years and influences:

Gladstone was born in Liverpool in 1809 into a commercial family with a new money background (like Peel). His father, John Gladstone, was a Liverpool merchant with assets in the Caribbean using slave labour on his plantations. By 1828, the family had amassed £25m by modern standards.  He went to Eton, where he built his reputation as an orator.

Gladstone then went to Christchurch, Oxford. Here he honed his debating skills at the Oxford Union. He impressed Ultra-Tories with his defence of the old political system, and became MP for Newark in 1832  a pocket borough in the hands of the Duke of Newcastle. Gladstone later sat for Oxford University, South Lancashire, and Midlothian (shows there was not much connection between MP and constituency in the 19^th century)

Religion dominated Gladstone’s political career until 1844: he believed that politics was a means to a religious end: religion first  wife second!. He believed that politics should promote religious values, and protect the established Church.

Gladstone engaged in doctrinal controversies, such as the Oxford Movement. In 1839, he wrote “The State and its relations with the Church”, in which he advocates the defence of the establishment.

To defend the established Church, he takes an illiberal stance on 1830’s issues, such as:

• The admission of Nonconformists to Oxford and Cambridge
• No state grants for education: he wants education to be Church-controlled
• Pro-Church rates
• Against Jews being allowed into Parliament
• Against most of the Whig reforms of the 1830s, except the Poor Law Amendment Act, as he is pro-self help.

However, Gladstone rethinks his ideas on relations between Church and State in 1844 over the Maynooth issue. He had previously taken sides on political issues based on his religion.

Maynooth

Peel wanted to increase the grant to Maynooth: a seminary for training Catholic priests. The motive behind this was to get the Irish to support the union between England and Ireland.

Gladstone opposes state aid to non-established Churches: the state should be protecting the establishment, not promoting rival Churches. He also sees this as a threat to the Established Church, and hence as a threat to the constitution.

Thus, Gladstone is caught between his religious principles and his enthusiasm for the Peelite government  he has had his first taste of high office. Gladstone resigns in January 1845, despite Peel’s pleading.

However, in April 1845, Gladstone supports the issue when it is before the Commons.

Why the U-turn?

• If he wants to be a man of government, he will have to make some compromises.
• Gladstone has re-thought the relationship between Church and State: believes that the state can no longer be trusted to uphold the interests of the established Church  the Church mist strengthen itself.
• Thus, he establishes a philosophy of “a free Church in a free state”  more sympathetic to nonconformity and pro-religious toleration. For example, in 1847, Gladstone votes that Jews should be admitted into Parliament.

However, Gladstone never abandons the idea that religion and Christianity should inform politics: some see Gladstone as engaged on a series of moral missions and crusades, such as the Home Rule crusade, and Midlothian Campaigns.

There are some hangovers to the Conservative religious phase:

• 1849: Gladstone opposes a bill to allow a man to marry his dead wife’s sister.
• 1857: Gladstone votes against the divorce Bill
• Gladstone is against the abolition of religious tests to Oxford and Cambridge.
• 1865: Gladstone opposes

Gladstone and Peel's Influence

Gladstone becomes chancellor in 1852 under Aberdeen (1852-55), and Palmerston (1859-65). Gladstone is influenced by Peel's economic policy.

Policies as chancellor:

1) FREE TRADE

In 1853, the budget features serious tariff reduction: abolishes almost all the remaining duties on food & partially manufactured goods. Duties are also halved on fully manufactured goods. A total of 250 articles are reduced.

 

In 1860, the trend continues. Import duties are completely abolished on 375 articles. Also, duties on sugar and tea are reduced.

Gladstone also wanted to reduce/abolish income tax, but due to the Crimean

War, he has to meet the shortfall in government income from tariff cuts. Gladstone later succeeds in reducing income tax in the period under Palmerston (4d in 1865)

The Cobden treaty, negotiated by Richard Cobden, with Napoleon III's France, wanted to reduce tariffs as this would improve the economic conditions in the UK, and smooth relations between France and the UK. It was agreed that the French would reduce tariffs on manufactured goods, and Britain would reduce tariffs on French Wines and Brandies. Trade with France increases threefold.

2)RETRENCHMENT

Government Spending:£70m in 1860

£68m in 1866

Gladstone also uses a degree of procedural innovation: in 1861, the budget is presented as a package, where all or nothing of it had to be passed. This was done to pass the abolition of paper duties.

Other Peelite Legacies:

• Attitude to government: Gladstone leads an administrative , disinterested government.
• Attitude to backbenchers: imperious and arrogant to backbenchers. Gladstone, like Peel, believes that backbenchers shouldn't be able to shape government policy.
• Peelite policy keeps Gladstone away from the Tory party, and moves him towards the Liberal party. He can't go back to the Tories because of
• ANGLICAN ASCENDANCY
• PROTECTIONISM
• DISTRUST: even when Disraeli claims that Protectionism is "not only dead but damned"
• DISRAELI'S TREATMENT OF PEEL
• LEADERSHIP: It is easier for Gladstone to get to the top of the Liberal party as opposed to the Conservative party: Russell and Palmerston will die soon - a point made by John Bright.

Toryism

There is residual Toryism in Gladstone.

Gladstone is committed to aristocratic government: he's not a democrat (in 1867, Gladstone says that "household suffrage is morally indispensable"), indeed the secret ballot is unwillingly conceded in 1872 only to keep Bright in the cabinet.

Gladstone is committed to the monarchy and aristocracy: like Peel, he believes that the aristocracy must work in the interest of the nation. As late as 1878, he says "I am a firm believer in the aristocratic principle - the rule of the best. I am an out and out egalitarian".

This support for the monarchy and aristocracy is ironic: the Queen hates him, and the aristocracy don't like him because of his new money origins. Still social prejudices, e.g.: W.H. Smith.

Nature of Liberal Party pre-1878

• founded in Willis’ rooms on 6^th June 1859. It was a coalition between the Whigs, Peelites, and Radicals. Aimed to expel the minority Conservative government of Darby and Disraeli.
• Loose alliance of groups, as opposed to a tightly organised party at first.
• At first, it was a re-constituted Whig ministry: Palmerston’s ministry of 1859-65 contained only one radical.
• Whig radicals included J.S. Mill (Westminster, 1865-68)
• Main purpose: to sustain power of leadership.
• Cheap press and organised labour contributed to the growth of the Liberal party according to Dr. John Vincent.
• Press : stamp & paper duties repealed in 1855-61, along with cheap transport on the trains increases circulation & the flow of ideas
• Nonconformists turned to the Liberal party as they were the only ones who catered for their interests.
• Liberal party becomes very important because it established links with dynamic forces in the nation, such as Nonconformists and the working class.

Gladstone and the Liberal Party

Items to be considered:

1) The nature of the Liberal party, both Parliamentary and Popular (i.e.: who votes Liberal?)

2) How does Gladstone come to lead the party?

3) How secure is his position?

1) The nature of the Liberal party, both Parliamentary and Popular

There are notable differences between Parliamentary and Popular Liberals:

The party is a loose alliance of groups:

LEFT-WINGMIDDLERIGHT-WING

RadicalsModeratesWhigs

(Biggest group)

The Radicals (sometimes known as "Faddists" [left-wing]

Up to about 115

Stereotyped as Northern, nonconformists middle class industrialists. They are not a closely-related group: they are very divided, and have single-issue campaigns.

Not very influential due to lack of unity and important positions. Bright was the only radical in the 1868 cabinet. They were loud, but not influential within the party.

The Whigs [right-wing]

About 30

The Whigs came from prominent families: large landowners. Socially exclusive, and influential beyond their numbers. They are the ones who hold government posts.

_

The majority of Liberals are Landed and Anglican, contrary to popular views: out of 382 Liberals in 1868, only 64 were nonconformist.

Popular Liberalism was due to :

• Cheap provincial press

This allowed the spread of political ideas due to the abolition of stamp and paper duties.

 

• Militant nonconformity

Nonconformists supported the Liberals as the Whigs were against the idea of Anglican Ascendancy. The Tories were pro- AA, and the Nonconformists are thus anti-Tory. But their support isn't unconditional: they have an agenda for religious and educational reform. Gladstone regarded the nonconformist movement as "the backbone of English Liberalism", as it gave the party organisation through the use of nonconformist churches.

 

• Organised Labour: the trade unions represent the working classes

Gladstone was the first mainstream politician who gave recognition and inclusion to the Trade Unions and the working class. Also, Gladstone's reduction of taxes appeals as does his Post Office Savings Banks.

 

Why does Gladstone lead the Liberal party?

• Has aspirations of leadership
• He has got connections with popular Liberalism which he established in the 1860s: he can appeal to the mass electorate, and is seen as the "people's William". He also has ministerial experience.

1868 - Liberals win the general election with a 116 seat majority.

Gladstone's first cabinet wasn't representative of the social status of the voters: 8 of 15 in the cabinet sat in the Lords - Robert Lowe was Chancellor of the Exchequer. The only radical in the cabinet was John Bright. Overall, the cabinet was predominantly Whig.

Reforms

1869Disestablishment of the Church of Ireland - its endowments were to be used for social improvement in Ireland.

 

1870Land Act (18700 aims to reform the landlord-tenant relationship that was the cause of Irish unrest by giving a tenant at the end of his tenancy a claim for compensation for any improvements he had made to the property.

 

Elementary Education Act (Forster) - the state would intervene in education only where voluntary effort & public subsidy were ineffective. It would intervene by creating a local School Board to maintain schools. Boards could also pay poor children's school fees.

 

1871Trade Union Act gives unions a secure legal basis.

 

Criminal Law Amendment Act attempts to define legal limits of persuasion and picketing in industrial disputes - this doesn't please the trade unions.

 

Universities - most religious limitations on degrees and appointments are abolished.

 

Robert Lowe proposes a tax on matches (unpopular)

 

1872Secret Ballot introduced

1873Upper court reorganisation - a statute fuses common law and equity, and creates a more radical High Court of Justice and Court of Appeal. It also extinguishes the judicial role of the House of Lords, but this is replace in 1876.

 

Legislation affecting the mines, merchant shipping, public health and local government showed that, contrary to Conservative allegations, Gladstone's first ministry was good at social reforms that were beneficial to the majority of people. But by 1872, many reforms had made enemies: e.g.: education, trade unions, Irish.

Gladstone comes under criticism twice in 1872

1) Selecting Robert Collier - Gladstone selected Robert Collier to be on the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. To fulfil the requirements for sitting on the board, Gladstone arranges for Collier to be a judge at the Court of Common pleas. He sits there for 2 days before being promoted to the above. The government only avoided formal censure in the Lords by 2 votes and 27 votes in the Commons.

2) Over university reforms - during these reforms, some Church posts had been tied to universities. Gladstone wants one in Oxfordshire filled by the Revd. W. W. Harvey. But to do this, the person had to go to Oxford: Harvey had gone to Cambridge. So Gladstone arranges for him to become a member of Oxford - a biographer describes this as "a wanton act of high-handed folly".

The monarchy also played a part in the downfall of Gladstone's first ministry. After Prince Albert's death, the Queen wants public funds to pay for her family - this leads to anti-monarchy sentiment, echoed by radicals in the Liberal party. However, the Prince of Wales gets typhoid fever, but recovers in 1872 which gives pro-monarchy feeling and votes to the Conservatives.

The Fall of the Liberals

1873 - a Bill to reform higher education in Ireland is proposed. This will establish a university primarily for Catholics, and offending teachers will be expelled. Gladstone thought he had the consent of the Irish bishops, but they ended up denouncing the scheme, and an alliance of Irish Catholic MPs and Conservatives defeated the second reading in March 1873.

Gladstone's cabinet resigned over this: Disraeli was asked to form a government. He refused, and Gladstone resumed office.

Gladstone calls an election in 1874, which the Liberals fought with the incentive to abolish income tax. But the majority of new electors of 1868 didn't fit into an income tax bracket.

The Conservatives are better organised to fight an election: John Gorst had been put in charge reform, and this had happened at both local and national levels.  The Conservatives won with an overall majority of less than 50.

Gladstone withdraws from the Liberal party leadership: Lord Harrington leads the Liberals in the Commons.

GLADSTONE'S FIRST MINISTRY

(1868-1874)

The 1868 hadn't returned the "grateful electorate" that would vote Conservative. The main issue of the election was religion Gladstone pledged to disestablish the Church of Ireland - this secured the nonconformist vote.

The result was similar to 1865 - Liberals gained 20 seats, and have a 112 seat majority. This "cushion" gives Gladstone an opportunity to introduce reform legislation. Previous governments hadn't regarded legislation as a solution.

This ministry reflects Gladstone's Peelite roots: retrenchment and cautious reform.

Gladstone's cabinet was predominantly Whig. Hopper, a historian, said that this was a more radical cabinet than was expected operationally. Whig influence isn't dominant: the most important positions go to Peelites and meritocrats. One concession is made in making John Bright the President of the Board of Trade (he, like Gladstone, believed in free trade).

Major themes:

Maximisation of individual opportunity within the context of retrenchment.

But, in 1874, despite the reforms, Gladstone and the Liberals were rejected by the electorate.

The reforms systematically alienate important groups in the Liberal  'coalition'. Gladstone blamed this election defeat on the licensing act (1872), as he was "brought down in a torrent of Gin and Beer" - the licensing act had alienating brewing companies and the working class. It had given magistrates the power to issue licenses for pubs, which allowed them to restrict opening hours and the adulteration of beer (salt was added to make people more thirsty). The act was intended to get the nonconformists pro Liberal, due to their belief in temperance because of their "Ethic of improvement" - gives the working classes the chance to improve themselves.

The Licensing Act alienates:

• Brewing interests (damages profits)
• Working classes (the act is seen as a restriction on liberty: RIOTS)

Therefore, an act designed to win the support of the nonconformists has alienated two other groups. 

This pattern is repeated with the Education Act (1870)

The Education Act was a major issue on which the Liberal party collapsed.

Education was a patchwork of schools from different religious denominations, but is mostly dominated by Anglicans.  The old system couldn't cope with the increasing population. Germany's victory in the Franco-Prussian War alerts people to the need for an efficient state education system.

The NATIONAL EDUCATION LEAGUE, a nonconformist pressure group from Birmingham dominated by Chamberlain wants a free state secular education (i.e.: one without religious commitments)

They are opposed by the NATIONAL EDUCATION UNION, which wants to preserve the existing Anglican-dominated education system.

Education Act (1870)

The act won't set up a free system because this is at odds with Gladstone's policy of retrenchment (it will cost!): the government intends to fill in the gaps by introducing School Boards to look after schools (these were to be funded by local ratepayers), and giving grants for building improvements to schools. They don't want to overhaul the system.

The nonconformists don't get the free secular education they wanted, but the "Cowper-Temple" clause bans the use of catechisms in schools, but was definitionally loose: there is still a degree of denominational education.

Although the act is important in terms of overall education provision, the nonconformists don't forgive Gladstone's government, despite concessions in other areas. For example, the University Test Act (1871) removed the requirement of Anglicanism for Oxbridge fellows and scholars. This pleased the nonconformists, but not enough! The Act also divided Anglican opinion.

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM (1871) was performed with equality of opportunity and efficiency in mind:

• Meritocratic approach to appointments
• Entrance exam was introduced, so professional man of talent get the job. Previously, jobs were won upon recommendation of MPs and Peers.

This reform displeases the Whigs, e.g.: Granville, the foreign secretary, has the foreign office excluded from this reform.

CARDWELL'S ARMY REFORMS (Cardwell = war secretary)

The Crimean War had shown weaknesses in the British army as had the length of time taken to put down the 1857 Indian mutiny. In the Franco-Prussian war, they saw how effective the Prussian army was.

The root cause of the problems was a poor officer class due to the purchase of commissions. It isn't a career open to "men of talent". This appeals to Peelite ideas of meritocracy and efficiency. The Army has been neglected since the Napoleonic wars.

Reforms:

• Abolition of the purchase of commissions
• Updating: Flogging is abolished in peace time, and breech loading rifles become standard issue. Also a re-organisation of regiments.
• The Commander-in-Chief was subordinated to the secretary of state for war - the army is now in civilian control.

To get more money to do these reforms, they force the self governing territories to pay for their own defence - this reduces costs and responsibilities of the army.

There is lots of opposition, and the reform has to be forced through the Lords.

Their TRADE UNION POLICY alienates the working classes. Gladstone, as "people's William", had been seen as a friend of the trade unions before he took office.

In 1871, the Trade Union Act is a positive contribution to this, as it gives legal recognition to the Trade Unions: they can own property and have the right to strike.

This recognition irritates industrialists: the trade unions' bargaining position has been increased, thus increasing the costs to industrialists.

But Gladstone is uneasy with the interference in the free labour market, especially the humiliation that may arise from strikes. Thus he passes…

THE CRIMINAL LAW AMMENDMENT ACT, which bans all types of picketing, so employers can recruit alternative labour without fear of reprisal, thus it is impossible for a strike to be effective.

In 1872, the BALLOT ACT is introduced - this alienates the landowners and employers by reducing their influence. Gladstone didn't want to introduce it: it was a concession to John Bright.

GLADSTONE'S IRISH POLICY

The aforementioned reforms weren't "Gladstone's" - they were compromises of other people's wishes, mostly with Gladstone's blessing.

The Irish reforms were Gladstone's reforms: he took a special interest in Ireland in his first ministry.

1868: "My mission is to pacify Ireland" - Irish issues would be his major focus.

Why does Ireland need pacifying?

1) RELIGIOUS GREVIANCES

The Church of Ireland is the established Church. It is Anglican, yet 90% of the population is Catholic. These Catholics are paying tithes for a minority Church.

2) ECONOMIC REASONS

A lack of industrial development in North Eastern Ireland leads to poverty. The Union with Britain is blamed for this. More pressing is the land problem: rural overpopulation means people don't have enough land to farm. Overpopulation has led to subletting tenancies - if a Father has 3 sons, upon his death he will split his already small bit of land into three smaller pieces.

There is also no economic security as the Irish are subject to eviction: thus, there is no incentive to improve land, as it will lead to increased rent.

The problem of Absentee Landlords means there is no connection between landlords and tenants, so problems can't be solved.

3) POLITICAL REASONS

The Irish are under an Alien Church, Alien landowners and Alien rule: the administration at Dublin is dominated by the English. By 1870, the Home Rule League is formed by Isaac Butt. They want devolution.

The Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) or Fenians are formed in 1858 - they want an Irish republic and use violent means. By 1867, the Fenians are increasingly high-profile.

Why does Gladstone adopt Irish reform?

• Party reasons - reform will unite the Liberals on the issue of Irish Church and mobilise the nonconformist vote.
• Morality- Gladstone thinks it is unjust that Catholics have to pay for CofI
• The Fenian Campaign has led to increased violence - the Fenians get more publicity and it is feared that the Irish reform seems more enticing - the campaign had consolidated public opinion on the need for reform.
• Gladstone wants to strengthen the union by appeasing, not repressing (PEEL)
• RETRENCHMENT - appeasing is cheaper then repressing using the army. When Gladstone gets into office, there are more troops in Ireland than in India. this is a Peelite idea, and would also show that a British government can respond to Irish grievances.

Gladstone's policies: how successful were they?

1) DISESTABLISHMENT OF THE IRISH CHURCH (1869)

Gladstone ran for office on this issue and it thus got Gladstone's full attention.

There are two stages: Disestablishment and disedownment:

Disestablishment meant no more collection of tithes. Irish bishops can't sit in the Lords

Disedownment meant the redistribution of funds: £30m of these went to poor relief and education in Ireland. £10m went on compensation to former employees of the CofI.

This was possibly the most successful of Gladstone's Irish reforms due to its popularity.

2) THE FIRST IRISH LAND ACT (1870)

This was a much more controversial and difficult situation, partially because it involved property rights.

The act aimed to give protection (i.e.: security) to peasants, in the form of compensation for improvements to make them look after their property better. Politically, the act aimed to reinforce the union and the position of the aristocracy. The act showed that the government could legislate in the interests of the Irish people.

There were three aspects to the act:

1) ULSTER CUSTOM - this was a tradition of 'free sale' recognised legally where it was traditionally practical. The incoming tenant paid compensation to the outgoing tenant.

2) EVICTION - the courts were empowered to make sure the landlords didn't charge "exorbitant" rents. The meaning of "exorbitant", however, was not defined. If a tenant was evicted, he had to be compensated for any improvements made to a property. Tenants could also be awarded damages for eviction unless they had been evicted for not paying their rent.

3) THE JOHN BRIGHT CLAUSES - provided government aid for tenants seeking to buy land. The government would pay 2/3 of the cost, provided the tenant had enough money to afford 1/3.

The Irish Land Act was unpopular with the landowners as it was seen as a violation of property rights. People were afraid it would extend to Europe.

The Act was unpopular with the Irish because it is weak: it doesn't provide security for tenants, largely due to the fact that the word "exorbitant" isn't defined: thus, if a landlord wanted someone to go without compensation, he could raise the rent to cause non-payment and eviction. This was "rack renting".

The John Bright clauses were ineffectual: they provided no incentive for owners to sell and very few people could pay 1/3 of the value of their land.

The Act attacks the problem from the wrong end: the problem is OVERPOPULATION - the act appears to be making people stay on the land.

There is an increase in agricultural unrest, which leads to the Cohesion Act  (1871), in which Gladstone is forced to use repression as opposed to appeasement to tackle the grievances.

3) IRISH UNIVERSITIES BILL (1873)

This provides the occasion for the collapse of the government: it aims to please the Catholics by creating a non-denominational university. It fails due to a lack of Catholic support, as when the smaller colleges merge to form the large university, they would lose their state funding. Also, Trinity College, Dublin refused to support it.

GLADSTONE'S FOREIGN POLICY

Gladstone's foreign policy alienates several sections of the electorate, providing Disraeli with "a stick to beat the government with".

By the 1860s. Palmerston's foreign policy was running out of steam. But the style of his foreign policy (i.e.: "We have no eternal allies and no perpetual enemies. Our interests are both eternal and perpetual, and those interests it is our duty to follow" - pursuit of British interests and projection of British power) is popular. Indeed, Palmerston's foreign policy won him the 1857 election. In comparison to this, Gladstone appears weak.

Franco-Prussian War (1870-71) and the Russian Question

The Franco-Prussian War represents a vital shift in the balance of power in Europe. Britain, under Gladstone, stays out of the war due to inadequate numbers of troops. Gladstone did well in negotiating Belgian neutrality in the course of the war. However, Britain not participating gives an impression of powerlessness: Britain watches as Prussia reshapes Europe.

More importantly, the reduction of French power prompts Russia to reject the Black Sea Clauses signed at the Treaty of London after the Crimean War. Russia no longer sees the straits as a "no sail zone", and the French are in no position to enforce the clauses. Russia declares that she will set up bases in the Black Sea. This results in an Anti-Russian outcry in London.

At a conference in 1871, Britain cancels the Black Sea Clauses - this results in Britain appearing weak. In reality, nothing else could be done: Gladstone can't win a war against Russia, who would be backed by Bismarck.

The Alabama Case

The Alabama was a warship secretly smuggled out of Liverpool and supplied to confederates in the American Civil War (1861-65). The union won the war, and demanded compensation from the British Government for damages caused as the government had pledged neutrality. Gladstone agrees to this, and in 1872 Granville (war secretary) pays over £3m in damages. Disraeli sees this giving in to American demands as a weakness in foreign policy. However, holding out on the issue would have unnecessarily weakened Anglo-American relations.