The Rise of Labour

THE RISE OF LABOUR

To 1900

The LRC (Labour Representation Committee) is formed in 1900 it takes the name of the “Labour Party” after the 1906 election.

The rise of a ‘Labour Party’ is inevitable because:

The working class is by far the largest class in Britain
By 1900, most of them can vote (universal manhood suffrage in 1918)

In 1867 and 1884, the franchise had been extended, but there was no working class party until 1900. This is a contrast to Europe, where socialist parties have been growing, especially in Germany.

The LRC was a coalition of different groups:

SDF
Fabians
ILP
Trade Unions

Prior to this, no agreement could be reached between these groups over working class representation. There were often divisions between socialists and trade unionists.

SDF

Formed when the Democratic Federation split in 1884 over the classic doctrinal issue of revelation v. education (they were divided over how to achieve their goals).
Founded by Hyndman (OE and Tory) HE ISN’T WORKING CLASS
Middle class & exclusive membership
They won’t work with the unions these contain the people who will vote for them!
They are hung up on the Marxist “Revolution”, and don’t want trade unions , as they don’t represent the idea of a class war.
The SDF is more extreme than the socialist league, but has a reputation for sectarianism that isn’t entirely deserved this image was propagated by the ILP in 1895.

Examples of militancy:

1886BLOODY SUNDAY (Trafalgar Square)

Due to poor economic conditions and strikes (1884-7)

The SDF were actively involved in the 1889 London Dock Strike (Link to NEW UNIONISM)

SOCIALIST LEAGUE

Formed by Eleanor Marx & William Morris when the Democratic Federation split
Strong emphasis on propaganda to educate the people

FABIANS

Middle class intellectuals
Sidney and Beatrice Webb were the key thinkers
They had a policy of permeation they are happy to work through existing parties, e.g.: the Liberals (c.f. Adelman p.9 RE: Snobbery and elitism the TU’s are too thick for them).

The rise of Labour is sometimes called a resurgence of socialism, as Chartism could be classed as a primitive form of socialism, and in the 1830s, Robert Owen (mill-owner in Lanarkshire) attempted to create a national, general trade union.

Books, such as Poverty & Progress (1880) by Henry George were major influences on the rise of socialism
Implication of a mass electorate
People (radicals) were dissatisfied with Liberalism, as they didn’t agree with the stance over Ireland and the 1882 occupation of Egypt: they didn’t want attention divided away from social reform.
P.H.Greene @ Balliol began to question the idea of laissez-faire

Don’t exaggerate the extent of the appeal of socialism: in 1889, the socialist parties have about 2,000 members between them IT ISN’T A MASS MOVEMENT.

Trade Unions come much closer to representing the working classes.

Trade Unions made gains due to the 1871,as Gladstone legally recognises them in the Trade Union Act, although the CLAA (1871-2) refuses them the right to picket. Disraeli returns this right in the Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act (1875).

There is a division between old and new unionism:

OLD UNIONISMElitist artisan organisations: “The aristocracy of labour”. They want to protect themselves against unskilled labour in their industries as a larger workforce means smaller wages. They have industrial concerns, and aren’t interested in politics. Growth between 1850 & 1870 the growth coincides with economic prosperity. AKA: New Model Unionism.

E.g.: Amalgamated society of engineers (1857).

1867 GRA3 and 1884 GRA3 create over 100 working class constituencies, so TUs become politically involved, for example, they had a great deal of influence in mining constituencies. Thus they had the influence to bear on the Liberal party, forcing them to accept working class men as candidates: “LibLab” MPs these function as a pressure group within the Liberal party, although most are seduced by Gladstonian Liberalism, e.g.: Henry Broadhurst.

Why do it through the Liberal party?

* MONEY they don’t want the burden of supporting an MP, as MPs aren’t paid until 1911. They don’t have the national infrastructure to run campaigns, as shown by the SDF in 1885.

NATURE OF THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM there wouldn’t be a candidate in each constituency, so a campaign would be pointless. Also, people tend to vote for the mainstream candidates.
NO UNITY OF SOCIALIST GROUPS
RESPONSE OF EXISTING PARTIES TO FRANCHISE EXTENSION.

Both parties tried to appeal to the working classes

NEW UNIONISMUnions that embrace all workers. This movement peaks in the late 1880s presses for unionisation of unskilled labour. It rises because of:

ECONOMIC CIRCUMSTANCES
Rising education standards due to 1870 edu.act
Spread of the factory system larger factories give a greater core of unskilled workers, so it is easier to mobilise them.

The success can be seen in 1888 match girl strike in the Bryant & May factory, and the London Dock Strike, in which Bill Thorne (SDF) played a part, as did Annie Besant (Fabian).

These initial successes sparked off the spread of new unionism it was most effective in the utilities, where stability is paramount.

ILP

The ILP was a genuinely working class.
Was Provincial: found especially in places like Bradford
They saw the need for co-operation between the unions and Labour (=Labour alliance)
They had a flexible ideology
The ILP was larger than all the other organisations combined.
GOOD PROPAGANDA from Clarion and Labour Leader newspapers. Also pamphlets such as Merrie England Bletchford.
Leaders:Hardy

McDonald

Strong support occurred in the same areas as that for Chartism

The ILP wanted to get the unions to use political action: it sees the growing importance of political influence to protect workers from employers, and recognises the fact that an out of power & divided Liberal party isn’t good enough to represent the workers.

The Liberal party is snobbish and won’t accept working class candidates, hence the need to work separately. The Liberals are afraid of alienating middle class votes: Hardy and McDonald had both tried to be working class MPs, but had both been turned down.

The problem of working with the Liberal party is that you lose socialist support: this is another reason why an independent party is desirable.

Although in 1899 the Unions say yes to the LRC, but only because it doesn’t cost them any money. However, neither miners or textile workers joined the LRC.

Why was the LRC formed?

SOCIALISM
INTELLECTUAL SNOBBERY
NEW UNIONISM IS ALL-EMBRACING
THE LIBERAL PARTY WAS TRASH

At its foundation, the executive committee of the LRC has:

7 Trade Unionists

1 Fabian

2 ILP

2 SDF

The Fabians, ILP and SDF combined provided 6% of funding, and considering relative membership figures, they were over-represented. McDonald (ILP) was secretary.

The socialists were very divided, and constant bickering limited their effectiveness. E.g.: in 1901, the SDF leave over the question of class war.

The LRC is weak: 6 months after its conception, there is an election (Khaki 1900) to capitalise on jingoistic sentiment from the Boer War. The LRC endorsed 15 candidates, of which two were elected. They spent £33 on the election. There was very little co-operation between the MPs (Bell and Hardy): Bell operated as a Liberal, and together they functioned as part of the Liberal party.

In 1901 TAFF VALE JUDGEMENT

Everything changes for the Labour party

The Unions become liable for costs incurred by employers during strike actions. Thus the unions recognise the need for parliamentary representation.

Membership:

1901376,000

1902409,000

1903861,000

The textile workers joined in 1903

The engineers joined in 1906

Miners are still Lib-Lab: they don’t join the LRC until 1909.

1903- LRC conference in Newcastle.

The LRC is able to consolidate its position. Subscriptions rise, and there was a compulsory party fund for payment of MPs in order to increase discipline, and prevent MPs from moving to the Liberal party

A resolution is passed proclaiming that MPs must remain separate from Libs and Cons.

Despite LRC proclamations of independence, McDonald negotiates the 1903 Lib-Lab Pact with Herbert Gladstone

Between the Liberals and the LRC. The parties agree that Liberal and Labour candidates will not run against each other in agreed constituencies.

MOTIVES:

MacDonald- only means of getting substantial representation in Parliament

Gladstone - * Desperation for office

Might have assumed that the LRC will become Liberal in the same way was the Lib-Lab MPs did.
Doesn’t want to split the anti-Conservative vote
From 1903, the Liberals think they have a real chance of regaining power, as the Conseratives are split over tariff reform.

The pact is enforced in the 1906 general election.

The Conseratives were split over tariff reform, which was advocated by Chamberlain. He wanted to erect a tariff wall against competitors, but give imperial preference (reduced rates to members of the empire): it will thus bind the empire closer together, whilst providing money for social reforms such as pensions.

The Boer War had raised questions RE: National efficiency

However, the tariff reform goes against the principle of free trade: the dominant principle in the 19^th century.

The Lib-Lab pact was kept secret from most of the party. Candidates were controlled by denying local LRCs the money needed to fund candidates.

Between 1903-6, the LRC won 3 by-elections: one against both Conservatives and Liberals. This event might have convinced the Liberals of the need to keep the anti-Conservative vote in check.

1906 election

the LRC fielded 50 candidates and won 29 seats. Of the 50:

40 were sponsored by the Trade Unions

10 were sponsored by the ILP

Henry Pellings said that the Labour winnings were “on the coat-tails of a Liberal landslide”.

Only 18 Labour candidates were opposed by Liberals, and only 5 of the 29 elected were elected against Liberals. 10 were elected in 2-member constituencies where the other MP was Liberal. Thus, at the beginning, there was a great dependence on the Liberals. This continues up until 1914.

After 1906, it is difficult to maintain distinctiveness from the Liberals, when they are following a programme of social reform.

The Taff Vale decision is reversed in 1908 with the trade disputes act, and is seen as a success for Labour for this reason.

Labour win some by-elections in and around 1908, and it could be said that it was a concession from the Liberals as it looks as if Labour is putting pressure on the Liberals. But it could be argued that Liberal did well as it draws the sting of Labour (so there is no alienation).

1907 Colne Valley by-election Victor Grayson (ILP) stands without the backing of the LRC

1909 Osborne judgement effectively outlaws political levy, thus cutting off the funds of Labour (the 1903 compulsory levy had been agreed at Newcastle). The judgement outlaws the use of money given to trade unions for industrial purposes to be used for political reasons.

In 1910, there were two general elections (this costs money!!). The miners had joined Labour in 1909, so the number of MPs increased because the Lib-Lab MPs became Labour. There were two elections that year because the 1909 people’s budget, that had been introduced to fund dreadnoughts and social welfare had been rejected by the House of Lords as it was regarded as an attack on the wealthy. This is the first piece of financial legislation that had been blocked for 200 years, as you can’t govern if you can’t control the funding.

Thus there was an argument as to who was running the country: peers or Government. (= a constitutional question) Thus, there are two elections to prove the point: the Liberals won, but they have their majority reduced as a result, they need the support of the IPP (hence, a concession is made in the passage of an Irish Home Rule Bill).

This throws up a problem for Labour, as they can’t be distinct because they side with Liberals on the constitutional question.