THE IMPACT OF WORLD WAR 1 ON BRITISH POLITICS This also relates to : Rise of Labour Fall of Liberals The Irish Question Liberals Initially, the war was a unifying factor as it was a moral war against imperialism.
- The Liberals have two traditions on foreign policy: Palmerstonian & Gladstonian. FP had proved decisive before: Liberal imperialism in the 1890s, and the Boer War.
- L-G was one of the most vocal opponents to the Boer War as a pacifist. But his pacifist credentials aren’t secure by 1914 in 1908 he had visited Germany and was worried about German power.
- 1914- Fundamental consensus about the rightness of the war shown by the sheer number of people who signed up for the army as a response to Kitchener’s appeal for troops to convert the British Expeditionary Force into a continental style army.
- Only two Liberals resigned from the cabinet over WW1: Morley and Burns.
The other parties declared an electoral truce, and contentious political issues are put on ice: Irish Home Rule was now off the agenda until the end of the war, and the IVF is pledged to support the war. Furthermore, the suffragettes assert “The right to serve”. In 1915, L-G negotiated the Treasury agreements with the Trade Unions, in which they agree they will end the closed shop until after the war meaning that the workforce can be diluted by non-unionised labour, women, and the like. Industrial question: bargaining position of the unions should improve due to high unemployment, but a strike in wartime would be un-patriotic.
- WW1 initially alleviates many Liberal problems
- BUT problems are only ‘on ice’ they are likely to return
- In the home rule crisis, both sides who were fighting would expect rewards.
- But the war may temporarily solve some problems, but produces new problems which strike at the heart of Liberalism.
Unprecedented Government intervention ILLIBERAL. Despite the idea promoted by Churchill that despite the war, life would be “business as usual”. During the course of WW1, Government intervention does develop a piecemeal and unprecedented basis no-one imagined that Government intervention would go this far. Under DORA (Defence of the Realm Act) (1914), the Government went onto conscript, set wages, distribute propaganda, seize land, set production targets, censor, take over the mines & railways, etc… This is seen as infringement of individual liberty and thus fundamentally illiberal. Therefore, as the war proceeds, there is dissatisfaction on the Liberal backbenchers. Especially @ constituency level so there is a steady flow out of the party towards the union of democratic control. The Union of Democratic control was set up by Ponsonby and Trevelyan (Liberals) to seek a negotiated truce and prevention of future wars. It also provided a channel for defections for Liberal to Labour. The Asquith Government is caught between:
- Opposition of some in party to illiberal policies
- Criticism from the right that the war needs to be prosecuted more vigorously
This crystallises over the 1915 shell shortage scandal, where the press/L-G/Conseratives criticise Asquith’s handling of the war and the efficiency of the war effort. CRISIS POINT: MAY 1915 Asquith forms a national coalition (he brings in the Conseratives).
- Sacrifices Haldane
- L-G becomes minister of munitions (L-G rejects Bonar Law’s suggestion of his becoming PM)
- Conseratives get no major ministries their victories were negative: they wanted Haldane out, and Churchill demoted to Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.
- L-G was the key figure as munitions minister, he begins to build a reputation as the man who won the war: he governed the supply & distribution of raw materials, and Government munitions factories set the standards.
Conscription The conscription debate rages from 1915 Churchill introduced it in 1916 in two stages: Conscription is the issue that splits the Liberals. (The Compulsory Service Bill (1916)), but not before it had fatally weakened Asquith’s hold on the party and coalition. Asquith tried for as long as possible to preserve the appearance of the voluntary principle. Again, Asquith was caught between the left of the party, who see coercion as the insidious influence of the Conservative coalition; and those (including L-G) who see the war effort as still inefficient. L-G’s criticisms
- Asquith was distracted by the death of his son
- The full cabinet was inefficient at decision making
- No adequate civilian oversight generals such as Haig were too independent (e.g.: The Somme)
- Need of conscription and he exploits this issue. L-G threatened to resign
Asquith is forced into conscription. L-G moved to the war ministry after Kitchener’s death in July 1916, but was diverted by Asquith to the Irish question after the Easter rising. In November 1916, L-G predicted the loss of the war. Bonar Law/L-G/Carson force Asquith out over proposals for a 3-man war cabinet to improve efficiency. Asquith initially accepts, then rejects. BL and L-G resign, forcing Asquith out as he can no longer command the respect of his cabinet. L-G Coalition December 1916
- Pro-war attitude (abandonment of business as usual)
- Not afraid of state control for efficiency of war effort
- The Conseratives dominated L-G’s coalition, but it is also supported by Labour. Arthur Henderson, the Labour leader, is included in the war cabinet.
L-G is a man without a party: in coalition with his erstwhile enemies: see 1910 constitutional crisis. He is in a vulnerable position, but his vulnerability is obscured by the war: no modern PM ever experienced such power: L-G is accused of a ‘presidential’ government, as opposed to a cabinet government. transforms government and society (previously intervention had been piecemeal, now a more proactive view is taken of the state to ensure more efficient prosecution of the war. Changes in government:
- 5-man war cabinet replaced Asquith’s 20-man cabinet:
L-G} Bonar Law}CONSERVATIVES Curzon} Milner Henderson L-G was dominant within the war cabinet. (“L-G was the cabinet. Nobody else counted” Henderson) - End of parliamentary government. General Smuts (S.Africa) was admitted to the war cabinet temporarily in 1917
- The government became a mass of rambling committees that branched out from the war cabinet
- Cabinet secretariat established by Sir Maurice Hankey. Previously there had been no record keeping. The secretariat helped co-ordinate the cabinet and is preserved after the war.
- PM’s secretariat (=’garden suburb’) operated from huts in the garden of No. 10. Made enquiries and carried out for L-G similar to White House staff.
- Creation of new ministries and appointment of non-elected experts to run them, e.g.: Labour, shipping, food, propaganda. Lord Beaverbrook, the owner of The Express was appointed minister for propaganda.
- These illiberal/unconstitutional developments make the re-unification of the Liberal party unlikely.
Social transformation brought about through state intervention:
- Rationing introduced in 1917 due to the U-boat campaign
- Introduction of Convoy system (product of the policy makers machine, rather than L-G’s initiative).
- Mines were placed under state control
- Farmers are given quotas of what to produce: if they don’t comply, their land can be seized.
One important feature: Civilian military conflict. L-G wanted to contain the military under civilian control and have a more diverse approach to the war effort: not just blind adherence to the Western Front. But coalition partners backed Haig and Robertson, so the Western Strategy continued. L-G got round this be getting Foch appointed as supreme allied commander in 1918, thus subordinating Haig to him. Depth of the Liberal split Acrimony evident in the Maurice Debate (1918) This was prompted by the dismissal of Robertson and Maurice for supporting Haig’s claim that L-G starved him of troops on the Western front which was probably true. A vote of confidence ensued: out of the Liberals, 100 vote with Asquith, 70 with L-G and 85 abstained. Thus the debate formalised the split, becomes the touchstone of fidelity to L-G and makes the Asquithian Liberals look like traitors for attempting to bring down the PM. Coupons in 1917 election were only given to supporters of L-G in the debate. Thus, the Liberals are DECIMATED! They only win 26 seats, 338 out of 384 seats were won by the coalition. IMPACT OF WW1 ON LABOUR In 1918 general election:
By 1922: Labour142 seats Liberals (combined)116 seats 1918 election perhaps obscures Labour support, as they were fighting a coalition that had just won the war. L-G coalition is victorious because the was has been won, and because he also promises “homes fit for heroes”. Only after 1918 is Labour’s new-found strength apparent but a lot of that strength is attributable to wartime developments (contrast to pre-1914 weaknesses: dependent on the Liberals, erratic finance (due to Osborne judgement), although doing well at a local level. They had taken the Trade Unions from the Liberals. At the beginning of the war:
- Labour splits over the war they have a strong pacifist tradition, especially in the ILP. Thus the party is divided. But, unlike the Liberals, the split is never personal: MacDonald realises the danger of an official anti-war stance. Therefore he resigns as leader, and the pro-war Trade Unionist Arthur Henderson takes over. Anti-war members kept a low profile during the war.
- The two wings worked together during the war on the War emergency committee, which had plans for peace, prevention of future wars, and securing pensions for veterans and war widows.
- Changes in the role of the state during the war undermine hostility to state control and intervention. For example, the success of government nationalisation of the mines and control of railways was popular because it meant higher wages, better job security and better conditions.
Associated with L-G’s work at the ministry of munitions.
- More respect for the working classes due to their efforts in wartime: war has had a unifying action on society.
- Formation of the L-G coalition Labour was brought in to counterbalance the Conservative influence. In December 1916, Henderson got a seat in the war cabinet (thus the Labour party got ministerial experience) this also created an image for Labour as a viable party for government they were not beyond the pale of ministerial responsibility: this is shown by the Tu.’s signing the Treasury Agreements: allowing non-TU members to work.
- Labour are not simply passive beneficiaries of Liberal decline and an increased electorate. Rather, they were active in taking opportunities.
- In 1917, Henderson resigns this allows him time to re-organise the party and get it geared up for the next election and a new constitution and program for the party to capitalise on wartime changes.
Why he resigns:
- Above
- L-G wouldn’t give him a visa to go to an international socialist conference in Stockholm. Socialism in Europe was stimulated by the Russian Revolution (cf Zinoviev letter)
In 1918, Henderson was the leading figure behind a new party programme and constitution. 1918 Constitution The constitution aims to create a national party it sets up constituency parties and allows for individual membership: you no longer have to be a member of a trade union to join. This is done to broaden Labour’s reach: to get increased middle class support. Expansion is rapid: by 1924 there are only 3 constituencies that don’t have a party.
- Aimed to reform and enlarge the executive, which is to be elected at the party conference. This will increase TU power. But will also…
- … increase financial contribution from the TU’s more money means that they can field more candidates: in 1918, they field 361 compared to the 78 pre-1918.
- CLAUSE 4 this is a commitment to socialism (nationalisation thus follows). But Clause 4 is more of a symbol than an aspiration before 1945.
The ideas are echoed in the party programme: Labour and the New Social Order:
- National minimum wage
- NATIONALISATION OF INDUSTRIES under state control during the war (mines, electricity)
- Education and welfare reforms backed by graduated taxation
The significance of clause 4
- Launches Labour’s identity: makes them distinct from the Liberals
- Makes a comittment to FORMAL socialist ideology
- Shows the TU’s acceptance of ‘state control’ this is due to its apparent successes during the war over wages and better working conditions.
They were cautious in government because:
1)Their power depended on the Liberals: so they couldn’t get radical things through: political realities of government in 1924 prevent MacDonald from introducing radical or socialist ideals.
They need to show that Labour is responsible, as opposed to mad and radical. |
